1There is a very large literature on the origins of modern native claims movements and the stakes involved. Works consulted include Armstrong and others (1978), Berger (1985), Berry (1975), Condon (1983), Hunt (1978), McInnes (1983), Morrison (1983), Orvik (1983), Sugden (1982), and Wittington (1985). Although they vary widely in their perspectives, emphases, and positions, most observers tend to agree on the general terms and context of native claims issues and the basic conflicts involved.
2The typology used in this paper is based directly on Hunt (1978), and it is supported by Morrison (1987) and Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy (1985).
3A recent positive example in Canada is the report of the federal Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy (1985), also known as the "Coolican report," which was written under the general direction of the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. This report proposes that the government include political rights within the scope of native claims negotiations and that it abandon extinguishment objectives. On the other side of this issue is the report of a study team to a federal Task Force on Program Review (1985) under the Deputy Prime Minister. This report, known as the "Nielsen report," proposes that negotiations of comprehensive native claims be suspended until the government resolves the issue of native political rights, or "until the government position on native self-government is determined and implementation is well underway" (1985: 246).
4Albinski (1973:120) conveys an official Canadian and Australian perspective on the problems of aboriginal peoples in the late 1960s and early 1970s: "The attack on native backwardness and underintegration is being carried forth on the socioeconomic and political fronts. It has been recognized that a sickly, undereducated, and socially disorganized people cannot, even if awarded full legal equality, hope to compete and live productively in an advanced European society."
5Concerning the emphasis on "constitutional development," examples of Canadian government documents are Drury (1979) and Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy (1985); of a participant’s views, Nunavut Constitutional Forum (1983); and of observers’ comments, Abele (1985) and Whittington (1985). Also, Landes (1983:242-243) discusses the broad political culture context of the constitutional development perspective.
6In addition to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 (PL 92-203; 85 Stat. 688), sources include Berry (1975), Arnold (1976), McBeath and Morehouse (1980), Young (1981), Case (1984), and Berger (1985).
7Sources focusing exclusively on the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement are Feit (1982) and Feit (1985); principal sources on James Bay as well as the four additional Canadian cases discussed below are Hunt (1978), Morrison (1983), Nunavut Constitutional Forum (1983), Morse (1985), Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy (1985), Whittington (1985), and Morrison (1987).
8According to Hunt (1978:13), The Cree and Inuit were awarded surface title to only 1.3 percent of the area traditionally used by them. In comparison, Alaska Natives were awarded surface and subsurface title to 11 percent of all of Alaska’s lands.
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